Why men bear the brunt of past and present violent protests in Bangladesh

Fifty-two years, seven months and 21 days after gaining their independence from Pakistan through a bloody liberation war, Bangladeshi citizens celebrated what they’ve dubbed their second Independence Day.

Aug. 5 marked the end of the political career of Sheikh Hasina, a dictator who served as the prime minister of Bangladesh for more than 15 years and was forced to flee the country after a 36-day protest against her that resulted in the deaths of hundreds of people, most of them men, following a violent government crackdown.

Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina displays the victory symbol after casting her vote in the January 2024 general election.
(AP Photo/Altaf Qadri)

The protests were initiated by university students and later joined by citizens from all spheres of society. They were fuelled by youth resentment over a quota system that saw 56 per cent of government positions in Bangladesh reserved for various groups, including 30 per cent for the descendents of freedom fighters who fought in the 1971 Liberation War.

There was also a 26 per cent quota reserved for other groups, including ethnic minorities, disabled and transgender people. These provisions left only 44 per cent of civil service jobs based on merit.




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Bangladesh: how the prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, lost her grip on power


High youth unemployment

In a country with nearly 2.6 million unemployed people — almost 83 per cent of them aged between 15 and 29 — the quotas, frequently exploited by the members and affiliates of Hasina’s ruling Awami League party, became a tipping point.

In response to the protests, the government deployed police, army and Border Guard Bangladesh authorities to the streets and imposed a national curfew with a shoot-on-sight order.

Even though many women took part in the protests, men were more visible and active, consequently facing a higher risk of encountering violent retaliation. More than 95 per cent of adults who died in the protests were men.

This reality warrants a comprehensive analysis of the socio-cultural, economic and psychological factors at play to better understand why Bangladeshi men are so disproportionately affected during civil unrest.

A large crowd of people, mostly men, wave the Bangladesh flag during a rally.
People gather in front of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party headquarters during a rally in Dhaka, Bangladesh, on Aug. 7, 2024.
(AP Photo/Rajib Dhar)

Cycles of tumult

Bangladesh has experienced repeated cycles of political tumult and repressive governance, often leading to violent clashes between protesters and authorities.

Students have played a crucial role in the recent protests, following a rich history of being at the forefront of political activism in the country, including the 1952 language movement and the Liberation War.

Demonstrations in the recent past, including the 2013 Shahbagh Movement and the 2018 student protests, have also seen a higher number of male casualties. In short, men are disproportionately affected by civil unrest in the country.

A key factor driving this trend is the entrenched gender roles in Bangladesh. Traditional expectations often place men in the role of active resisters, while women are more likely to engage in supportive roles.

A crowd of mostly men clash with police in riot gear.
Activists clash with police during a march to remember victims of countrywide clashes in Dhaka, Bangladesh, in late July 2024.
(AP Photo/Rajib Dhar)

Protecting the ‘motherland’

This gendered division of labour in activism is rooted in cultural narratives that laud male heroism and bravery, pushing men to the forefront of confrontations. Male vulnerabilities are further exacerbated by cultural expectations and psychological factors.

In Bangladesh, as in many other societies, traditional masculine identities are closely linked to notions of bravery and resistance. Conventional Bangladeshi ideology also likens the state to the mother of all citizens, fortified by the national anthem. That same ideology also projects men as the protectors of the women in their families — including the motherland.

As a result, not only do men show up for protests with the aim of saving their country or protecting their interests, they also try to shield their fellow female protesters. This sense of duty further increases their vulnerabilities.

What’s more, men are often socialized to take on active, confrontational roles in protests, driven by societal pressures to embody strength and resilience. Driven by such societal norms of masculinity, men were more commonly involved in recent violent protests in Bangladesh. They frequently engaged in direct confrontations with law enforcement, which led them to face the majority of the repercussions.

A young man clashes with police on a deserted, smoky street.
Students clash with police during a protest in Dhaka, Bangladesh, in July 2024.
(AP Photo/Rajib Dhar)

Battling injustice, inequality

Economic instability and inequality in Bangladesh, coupled with the societal expectation of men’s breadwinner role, also play a crucial role in explaining why men are disproportionately affected.

Ongoing economic disparities in the country, high inflation and mass youth unemployment have made it hard for young Bangladeshis to have a decent life. Widespread political corruption has also made it difficult for them to secure government jobs based on merit.

Men from lower socio-economic backgrounds, facing unstable employment and limited economic opportunities, are more likely to turn to protests as a form of resistance against systemic injustices.

The toppling of Hasina’s authoritarian regime is a key moment in Bangladesh’s history, reflecting the ongoing struggle against injustice and inequality. The disproportionate impact on men during these protests highlights how traditional ideas about men’s roles and socio-economic inequalities lead them to get involved in violent demonstrations.

The recent events offer insights into the forces shaping civil activism in Bangladesh, and require the interim government to implement comprehensive reforms in socio-cultural institutions and structures.

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